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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, once earned his living trading camels and gold. Currently, his RSF militia hold sway over nearly half of Sudan.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a notable triumph by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the western region.

Feared and despised by his opponents, Hemedti is respected by his supporters for his determination and his promise to dismantle the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

His background is humble. He hails from the Mahariya clan of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arabic-speaking group that straddles Chad and Darfur.

His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his exact birth details were not officially registered.

Led by his uncle Juma, his clan relocated to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, fleeing conflict and seeking better opportunities.

Early Career

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was a lawless frontier—impoverished, neglected by the government of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid attacked villages of the indigenous Fur, escalating a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

As a countermeasure, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to lead his anti-rebel campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's force was among them, accused in destroying the village of Adwah in late 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, among them 36 children.

A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were guilty of genocide.

Calculated Moves

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his rise to become leader of a influential militia, a business network, and a political organization.

He briefly mutinied, demanding unpaid salaries for his fighters, advancements, and a government role for his brother. Bashir acceded to most of his demands.

Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units rebelled, Hemedti commanded government forces that crushed them, taking over Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Rapidly, his family company Al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Formalizing Power

By 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as commander of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.

International Connections

The RSF fought in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba Mountains, and accepted a role to police the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's officers also excelled at corruption and human smuggling.

By 2015, Gulf nations requested Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide his fighters as contractors.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential, beginning a strong alliance with UAE officials.

Growing Power

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti formed an alliance with Russia's Wagner Group, gaining expertise in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in the gold trade.

His trip to Russia coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him "my protector".

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when protesters called for change, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the generals deposed him.

Initially, Hemedti was hailed as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but this was short-lived.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which killed hundreds, raped women, and reportedly executed men in the Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF committed atrocities.

Pressed by international powers, the military and civil leaders reached a deal, leading to an unstable coexistence for two years.

Current Conflict

When a committee began examining army businesses, the two generals ousted the government and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize strategic locations in Khartoum. The attempted putsch failed, and violence broke out across the city.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.

International organizations report up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired advanced arms, including sophisticated drones, deployed against army positions and crucial in the capture of el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.

Hemedti has created a parallel government, the "Government of Peace and Unity", taking the chairmanship.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now controls the majority of inhabited territory in western Sudan.

After allegations of mass killings, Hemedti announced a probe into abuses perpetrated by his soldiers.

Many believe Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to rule all of Sudan.

It's also possible, he may become a political puppet master, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

While Hemedti's forces commit violence in al-Fasher, he appears confident of impunity in a global community that overlooks.